An underwater mystery on Canada's coast

 

View of British Columbia coast, Canada
Tens of thousands of wooden stakes poking up from British Columbia's shoreline have smashed a long-held stereotype of Canada's First Nation people.
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At the lowest tides, Canada's Comox estuary exposes a nearly forgotten story: the nubs of more than 150,000 wooden stakes are spread out across the intertidal zone, forming the remnants of hundreds of ancient fish traps. At peak use, it's believed the industrial-level installation provided food security for an estimated 10,000-12,000 K'ómoks People, the traditional inhabitants of the bountiful, mountain-fringed Comox Valley, located on the east side of Vancouver Island on the edge of the Salish Sea.

Until recently, the sophisticated technology had been overlooked by Western science. Even though the stakes, which are thumb-sized in diameter in the shallows and increase to the size of small tree trunks in deeper water, are visible from busy shore-side roads, no-one thought much about them. For Cory Frank, manager of the K'ómoks Guardian Watchmen, a role that oversees all aspects of environmental stewardship for the coastal Nation, the stakes were just something he grew up with, playing and fishing among them at low tide.

When he asked elders about them, they didn't have much information.

Frank says this began to change almost two decades ago. In 2002, Nancy Greene, then an undergraduate anthropology student, began researching the stakes for her senior thesis. Greene (now a research archaeologist) wanted to know what they were for. So, working with a team of volunteers, she began heading out at low tide and spent months recording the locations of 13,602 exposed tips of Douglas fir and western red cedar stakes. At the same time, she began asking the K'ómoks elders what she was looking at.

When she plotted them out, taking into account the oral history, the results were astounding. The stakes formed a constellation outlining one of the most extensive and sophisticated Indigenous fishing operations ever found.

Since 2014, members of W̱SÁNEĆ Nations have been restoring two clam gardens in partnership with the Gulf Islands National Park Reserve (Credit: Ian Reid)

Since 2014, members of W̱SÁNEĆ Nations have been restoring two clam gardens in partnership with the Gulf Islands National Park Reserve (Credit: Ian Reid)

Greene realised that the 150,000 to 200,000 stakes, representing more than 300 fish traps, filled the shallow wetland. Radiocarbon dating placed the ages to range from 1,300 to just more than 100 years old. For Frank, the most impressive thing about the system is the precision of the designs. "My ancestors were amazing engineers," he said.

He explained that once he started studying how it all worked, he realised the traps are based on a deep knowledge of fish behaviour and the region's large tidal ranges. Laid out in two styles – one heart shaped and one chevron shaped – the traps were lined with removable woven-wood panels that let water through but not the fish. During a rising tide, the fish followed the centreline of the trap, which mimicked the shoreline they'd naturally follow, through an entrance and into the enclosure. When the tide receded; the fish inside the trap were stranded in shallow pools.

Depending on the trap style and season, the stewards of the traps could target either herring or salmon, and manage how many salmon went on to spawn in the local creek systems. By doing this they were able to ensure they only took enough fish to meet community and trade needs. If a fish run looked weak, they could opt not to fish it at all.

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Answering the question about how such an elegant and sustainable fishing technology fell into forgotten disuse requires an understanding of some of the darkest parts of Canadian history. In what's now known as British Columbia, dozens of coastal nations thrived for thousands of years. But with the arrival of explorers, traders and settlers, disease and law were used to forcibly separate Indigenous people from their culture and land.

"When 80 to 90% of the population died, they lost their knowledge holders and the intricate skills and protocols that made these technologies work," said Anne Salomon, an applied marine ecologist who has been working alongside coastal Indigenous communities for 15 years.

Over thousands of years, they'd developed complex food production systems requiring the understanding of ecology, oceanography and geomorphology

Salomon explained that the Indian Act of 1876 forcibly removed people to reserves and cultural practices were outlawed. People lost physical access to their fish traps and sea gardens. "Over thousands of years they'd developed complex food production systems requiring the understanding of ecology, oceanography and geomorphology," she said. "When they lost agency over their land, they lost part of their identity."

Beaches with lots of shell fragments or white shell middens are signs of nearby clam / sea gardens (Credit: Diane Selkirk)

Beaches with lots of shell fragments or white shell middens are signs of nearby clam / sea gardens (Credit: Diane Selkirk)

While the scientific community has been expressing surprise over the extensive nature of traditional coastal mariculture (information that's smashed the long-held stereotype that this was a population of unsophisticated hunter-gathers), Nicole Norris, a knowledge holder for the Hul'q'umi'num Nation and an aquaculture specialist, says the communities themselves had never forgotten. "These were our grocery stores," she said.

What has surprised Norris over the years she's spent exploring the British Columbia coast is how the technologies differ from nation to nation yet are perfectly adapted to each location. While the K'ómoks People used stakes with lattice fences to manage and sustain what was once one of the region's most productive fish runs, in her own territory around the Gulf Islands, the Hul'q'umi'num and W̱SÁNEĆ People stacked rocks "like Tetris" to build low walls running parallel to the shore. These walls were designed to trap silt, which changed the slope of the beach to create "sea gardens" – large, flat inter-tidal areas that, once cleared of large rocks, were carefully tended to create the ideal habitat for clams, crab, sea cucumbers, rockfish, octopus, whelks and other marine life.

In the winding inlets and islets of the Broughton Archipelago Provincial Park, the technology changes again. Here, the Kwakwaka'wakw People built monumental rock walls, large enough to be seen from space, to create the ideal water depth to encourage clam growth in the shallow bays. Norris says they also built the rock walls into spiral-shaped gardens that created flattened areas that could take advantage of the region’s unique swirling currents.

Still further north, in the inner waterways and islands that make up part of Heiltsuk territory, Haíɫzaqv archaeologist Q̓íx̌itasu, also known as Elroy White, says his ancestors built stone-walled sea/clam gardens (called λápac̓i) and a wide variety of stone fish traps (called Ckvá) that were specifically designed depending on if they were "on a tidal flat, or in a creek or at the mouth of a river".

"They were built so solidly that they wouldn't fall apart by actions of a river, or by the tide or if a canoe hit it," he said.

For his thesis, "Heiltsuk Stone Fish Traps", White combined archaeology with oral history to gradually unravel the interconnection of rock-walled fish traps and his ancestors' relationship to salmon. He explained that when he began visiting the sites, he saw how the ancient fish trap technology and resource management system didn't just shape the tidal landscape, they shaped his culture and heritage.

A Haida Gwaii sea garden has two rock mounds in its centre that attracted octopus and made it easy for Indigenous people to collect dinner (Credit: Diane Selkirk)

A Haida Gwaii sea garden has two rock mounds in its centre that attracted octopus and made it easy for Indigenous people to collect dinner (Credit: Diane Selkirk)

"I noticed a difference between archaeological and Heiltsuk views of the trap sites," he wrote in his thesis. He says traditional scientific research emphasised empirical data such as length, width and height and missed the human element; "the important relationships my ancestors had with the environment, with salmon and with the fishing technology designed to capture them."

The idea that you can't separate Indigenous culture from the lands that shaped them has been slowly taking hold in the scientific community on British Columbia's coast. Norris says that for a long time her people had no access to part of their lands because "an arbitrary line was drawn making it a national park". But after several rock walls were spotted at low tide in the Gulf Island National Park Reserve (GINPR) and the decision was made in 2014 to restore a couple of the gardens, Norris says that Parks Canada did something profound: "They asked for guidance from the First Nations."

In our tradition when you are learning something, you start with the oldest way possible

The abundance of even long-abandoned gardens found on British Columbia's coast is staggering. Research shows that the terraced gardens, which Indigenous people have been building for at least 3,500 years, are 150 to 300% more productive than wild beaches in producing littleneck and butter clams, as well as other marine organisms. Erin Slade, a marine ecologist with the GINPR's sea garden restoration project, says this indicates that the techniques once used to steward the gardens have a lot to teach us. While national park scientists, like Slade, could have attempted to reverse-engineer the sea gardens through science alone, they opted to reinstate traditional management and stewardship practices by inviting the W̱SÁNEĆ and Hul'q'umi'num Nations back to their lands.

"In our tradition when you are learning something, you start with the oldest way possible," said Norris. So on the first gathering at a clam garden just off of Salt Spring Island, she told everyone to put their science away, asked for guidance from the ancestors and started at the beginning: "This is how far you put your rake in. This is how wind or salinity or time of year affects the clams."

The moment Indigenous people returned to their sea gardens and fish traps was the moment the technology stopped being about the past and became about the future. In Heiltsuk territory, the fish traps are starting to support local tourism as a stop on virtual and in person cultural tours and there are plans to integrate more traditional fishing methods into community life. Today, Haíɫzaqv visit the sites as a sacred reminder of their grandparents and great grandparents' strong connection to the land and sea and all it has to teach them.

In the GINPR, Slade says other communities have begun using their research to reestablish their own gardens – an ecological boost not just for the beaches being managed, but for the overall abundance of sea life on the coast that the biomass in the gardens can support. Slade says the expected increase in marine life is important, but the most significant part of restoring sea gardens has been in reinvigorating the teaching relationships between elders and youth. "This knowledge has been generated over millennia of stewarding these places; it's something that was always meant to be passed on generation through generation."

Ancient Engineering Marvels is a BBC Travel series that takes inspiration from unique architectural ideas or ingenious constructions built by past civilisations and cultures across the planet.

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Constructed using natural materials, Yemeni high-rises are superbly sustainable and perfectly suited to the hot and dry Arabian desert climate.
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Stepping through Bab-al-Yaman, the enormous gate allowing access into Yemen's old walled city of Sana'a, was like stepping through a portal into another world. Tall, skinny buildings were crammed into the narrow lanes that connected lush fruit and vegetable gardens with the ancient souq where donkeys are still sold. I saw locksmiths mending enormous metal keys that open imposing wooden doors; a vendor selling prickly pears from a cart, and the local baker pulling fresh bread from a hot-glowing hole in the ground. In a tiny room, a camel trudged in tight circles powering a millstone crushing sesame seeds.

But despite all the visual stimulus, it was the architecture that dominated the scene. 

Sana'a is filled with buildings unlike anywhere else in the world. At street level, where mud-brick walls are only broken up by large wooden doors, there was often not much to see. But when I looked up, I realised these slender buildings, some with just one or two rooms to a floor, soared high into the sky.

While the lower floors, at street level, were windowless due to their use as animal shelters or working spaces, the ornate windows higher up were either covered by stained-glass or by delicate mashrabiya screens screens protecting the privacy of the women inside. The window frames and the friezes between the floors were marked in intricate white lime to contrast the mud-coloured background, creating a gingerbread house effect. Many had rooftop terraces, which doubled as entertainment spaces as well as outdoor bedrooms on warm nights. The magnificence of the buildings, together with their simple practicality, made for an inspiring architectural vision.

From the alleyway, it was practically impossible to appreciate the true height of these buildings, but when I reached the souq, I could see that some were up to seven storeys high. I climbed up to a seventh-floor rooftop that had been converted into a cafe; the Old Town lay below me, but the neighbouring buildings were mostly as tall as the one I was on, evoking the strange sensation of being surrounded by skyscrapers. I could almost have been in Dubai or New York, only that these constructions were somewhere between 300 and 500 years old and built from mud. Some of Yemen's skyscrapers can reach up to around 30m in height, and the first modern skyscrapers in Chicago were only slightly taller than that.

At street level, buildings are often windowless due to their use as animal shelters or working spaces (Credit: MaciejStangreciak/Getty Images)

At street level, buildings are often windowless due to their use as animal shelters or working spaces (Credit: MaciejStangreciak/Getty Images)

Yemen is scattered with similar soaring constructions, from those in smaller villages to bigger towns, such as the famous Shibam, dubbed in the 1930s "The Manhattan of the Desert" by Anglo-Italian explorer Dame Freya Stark; or the exquisitely decorated Dar-al-Hajar, the Imam's Palace of the Rock.

The Yemeni skyscraper style of architecture is so unique that the cities of Zabid, Shibam and the Old City of Sana'a have been recognised as Unesco World Heritage sites, with the tradition dating at least to the 8th and 9th Centuries, according to Trevor Marchand, professor of social anthropology at London's School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) and author of Architectural Heritage of Yemen - Buildings That Fill My Eye. Exact dating is next to impossible, as these mud brick or adobe buildings need to be constantly patched up and restored to keep them from succumbing to the harsh elements, but "medieval sources tell us that the Ghumdam Palace in Sana'a, allegedly built in the 3rd Century BC and the seat of Yemen's ancient Sabaean rulers, was 20 storeys high and elaborately decorated," Marchand said.

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What makes the Yemeni skyscrapers so unique is that they are still in use, just as they were hundreds of years ago. In the Old Town of Sana'a, for example, while a few have been converted into hotels and cafes, the majority are still used as private residences. "As children, we would play soccer in the tight alleyways and as teens we would sip coffee under the bright stained glass," said Arwa Mokdad, peace advocate for Yemen Relief and Reconstruction Foundation.

As I travelled around the country, marvelling at these skyscaper cities, I could not help but wonder why the Yemenis built these high-rises, considering the vast desert expanses of their country. Salma Samar Damluji, architect and author of The Architecture of Yemen and its Reconstruction told me that construction was, in fact, traditionally restricted to small sites, meaning buildings needed to be vertical. "Towns and cities had an outer wall, called Sur, and a further boundary from the desert," she said, explaining that not only were the wall and the surrounding desert a barrier to any urban development, but any agriculturally viable space was deemed too valuable to build on, so that building upwards, in tightly formed clusters, was the preferred option.

It was also the need for protection that made Yemen's settlements huddle together rather than sprawl across the land. Living in an inhospitable desert, security and the ability to look out across the land for approaching enemies, together with the ability to lock the cities' gates at night, had to be considered in any town planning.

Yemen’s monumental Dar al-Hajar palace is built on top of a natural rock spire (Credit: Craig Pershouse/Getty Images)

Yemen’s monumental Dar al-Hajar palace is built on top of a natural rock spire (Credit: Craig Pershouse/Getty Images)

"An important contributing factor to Yemen's history of tower-house was the need for security against invading forces, as well as during times of local tribal dispute or civil war," Marchand explained.

Constructed using natural materials, Yemeni high-rises are superbly sustainable and perfectly suited to the hot and dry Arabian desert climate. Roof terraces double as open-air bedrooms, while screens on the windows invite even the slightest breeze to enter the house, while also allowing light but not too much heat.

"Unbaked earth is an exceptional thermal mass," added Ronald Rael, professor of architecture at UC Berkeley who specialises in buildings made from mud, and is himself living in his great grandfather's adobe house in southern Colorado. He explained that "it both absorbs and releases heat slowly. During the day, as the sun beats upon the wall, the heat from the sun slowly absorbs into the wall. As night falls, that heat is slowly released, [helping] earthen buildings remain a comfortable temperature." This simple natural effect has made adobe building still popular today and explains the endurance of Yemen's mud-architecture.

Incredibly, construction usually didn't use scaffolding. Instead, master builders would start with a stone foundation, often some 2m deep, upon which mud bricks were laid in a running bond, meaning one brick is overlapped by two above. They then slowly built upwards, placing wooden joists for strength and adding floors made from wood and palm materials as they went higher up. Scaffolding was generally only used at a later date, once the house was finished and needed replastering or restoration.

However, according to Damluji, these building skills are on the brink of extinction. "We are looking at structures that can stand for up to 300 years and more. Six and seven storey buildings built out of sun-dried mud brick in a way that no contemporary architect can build today."

Known as "The Manhattan of the Desert", the 16th-Century walled city of Shibam was given World Heritage status in 1982 (Credit: DavorLovincic/Getty Images)

Known as "The Manhattan of the Desert", the 16th-Century walled city of Shibam was given World Heritage status in 1982 (Credit: DavorLovincic/Getty Images)

To prevent this knowledge from being lost, Damluji works closely with the Dawan Architecture Foundation, which is striving to preserve these methods of building, encouraging the use of traditional materials and methods over modern convenience.

I cannot begin to describe the pride of living in a home preserved by generations of ancestors – they are our connection to the past

The historical buildings are also under threat from constant wind erosion, war and the economic struggles that prevent families from looking after their fragile homes properly. In 2020, Unesco surveyed some 8,000 of these architectural marvels and restored 78 that were on the brink of collapse. Unesco is doing its utmost to save as many buildings as possible, but it is difficult under the current circumstances.

"It is a harrowing experience to witness history turn into rubble," said Mokdad. "This destruction is a loss for all of humanity."

She added: "Anywhere else, these buildings would be museum pieces, but in Yemen they remain homes. I cannot begin to describe the pride of living in a home preserved by generations of ancestors – they are our connection to the past."

Ancient Engineering Marvels is a BBC Travel series that takes inspiration from unique architectural ideas or ingenious constructions built by past civilisations and cultures across the planet.

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Reshaping previous ideas on the story of civilisation, Gobekli Tepe in Turkey was built by a prehistoric people 6,000 years before Stonehenge.
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When German archaeologist Klaus Schmidt first began excavating on a Turkish mountaintop 25 years ago, he was convinced the buildings he uncovered were unusual, even unique.

Atop a limestone plateau near Urfa called Gobekli Tepe, Turkish for "Belly Hill", Schmidt discovered more than 20 circular stone enclosures. The largest was 20m across, a circle of stone with two elaborately carved pillars 5.5m tall at its centre. The carved stone pillars – eerie, stylised human figures with folded hands and fox-pelt belts – weighed up to 10 tons. Carving and erecting them must have been a tremendous technical challenge for people who hadn't yet domesticated animals or invented pottery, let alone metal tools. The structures were 11,000 years old, or more, making them humanity's oldest known monumental structures, built not for shelter but for some other purpose.

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